Monday, December 5, 2011

Manmohan Needs to Get his Economics Right/The Sunday Standard/Dec. 04, 2011

POWER & POLITICS
Manmohan Needs to Get His Economics Right, Pranab His Politics

While politicians make promises, economists make predictions. For the former, promises are meant to be forgotten. Economists change their predictions and blame others for getting it wrong. For the past few months, our economist-turned-politician Prime Minister has been changing his economic forecasts too often and getting it wrong most of the time. On the other hand, our politician-turned-economist Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee is conveniently forgetting his promises to reverse the inflationary trend and tame the rising fiscal deficit. Both have little in common. But they never give up and continue to build castles in sand.

After sticking to their rosy India growth story for the past few months, reality seems to have dawned suddenly. Last week, Pranabda admitted there is something rotten in the state of Indian economy. His most painful confession was that India’s GDP wouldn’t grow beyond 7.5 per cent, as against his earlier prediction of 9 per cent. Only a few months ago, both the Prime Minister and the finance minister have been telling the nation that the country is poised for massive growth, in spite of global recession. During the last Budget Session of the Lok Sabha, the Prime Minister announced to the thumping of the tables by the treasury benches, that India would achieve at least 9 per cent growth. Later on, during his recent visit to Kolkata, he stuck to his prediction. “Since we have already achieved about 8.2 per cent in the 11th plan period, it may seem that a transition to 9 per cent growth is not difficult,” Manmohan said during his speech at the golden jubilee of the Indian Institute of Management, Calcutta. Now we are hearing a different tune. Addressing a meeting last week in New Delhi, Mukherjee said, “We can not expect we can reach a high growth rate of 9 per cent overnight. We will to live with relatively moderate growth rate this year, and next year we may try to improve it higher.” He went on to caution that “in the short and the medium-term, we will have to emphasise on the strategy of domestic demand-driven growth”.

For the first time, the fact that Indian economy was being driven by external demand became official. As the rest of the world heads towards economic disaster, the weak foundations of our domestic economic policies stand exposed. In a country like India, where public borrowing accounts for over 70 per cent of the GDP—the highest among BRIC countries—expecting domestic demand to ignite economic recovery is highly unwise. Pranab has conveniently forgotten that his Government’s reform menu has proved conventional economic theory wrong. Contrary to accepted models of development, a developing and predominantly rural economy like India is highly dependent on services for generating every second rupee of its income. Over 55 per cent of India’s GDP comes from the services sector, which provides only 34 per cent employment. On the other hand, every second job is still provided by the traditional agriculture sector that accounts for only 14 per cent of the GDP.

Frankly, all the economic reforms so far are meant to give income, power and glamour to those who know how to use a mouse, drive high-end automobiles or fly in chartered aircraft. For the past two decades, mouse-driven growth has created tiny islands of prosperity surrounded by a massive sea of poverty and unemployment. The Government’s fiscal and the monetary policies are aimed at making the rich richer and the poor, poorer. With ostentatious upper middle class demand peaking, it is only the rise of the poor and the middle class that can save the sinking manufacturing sector. No amount of social funding like MGNREGA or writing off farmers’ loans can generate a permanent demand for goods and services. Government schemes should lead to creating permanent, productive assets and not convert a healthy workforce into beggars heavily dependent on Government doles. An ideal combination of good economics and better politics would mean pruning the size of a bloated bureaucracy and political establishment, dismantling the pro-corporate official mindset and launching massive labour-intensive development projects. If the Government’s only mandate is to facilitate highly lucrative nuclear energy commerce and FDI in retail trade in India, the economy is bound to take a plunge in the long run. If only the leadership had spent half the time in resolving intra-state issues on infrastructure development than what it has spent on managing the agitating poor in Koondakulam, the economy would have grown by that mythical number of 9 per cent. The time has come for the economist Prime Minister to revert to practical economics, and a political Finance Minister to prudent politics. Forgotten promises and wrong predictions only spell disaster in the long run.

prabhuchawla@newindianexpress.com

Teekhi Baat with Anand Sharma/December 03, 2011/IBN7

"NOT AFRAID OF VOTE IN PARLIAMENT ON FDI ISSUE"

Commerce Minister Anand Sharma says that the decision to allow FDI in retail was well-thought out and that the UPA is not afraid of a division in Parliament. Excerpts from Teekhi Baat on IBN7:

Q: It seems you have become the Abhimanyu of the Congress, stuck in the retail FDI chakravyuh.

A: I have come out of chakravyuh. The chakravyuh is laid by people who don’t understand what is in the interest of the country’s farmers and consumers. This decision has been taken after a great deal of thought, not overnight.

Q: All political parties, including your allies except NCP and National Congress, gave a statement that this should not happen. Don’t they understand the benefits?

A: This is an enabling policy, it is the state governments’ decision to allow or disallow.

Q: Don’t you think you should have held consultations?

A: We have had discussions with every state in finalising the draft. I explained the whole background (to Trinamool chief Mamata Banerjee) that we are second in the world in food, fruits and vegetable production. And 40 per cent of produce is wasted because we don’t have the required infrastructure, cold storage, warehouses and very few cold storages. The farmer does not get the right price for his produce.

Q: Even then she did not agree?

A: She said that the conditions in West Bengal are different. We respected her thoughts. She said this will be at the discretion of the states, and you make this amply clear, because I will not allow this in West Bengal. This is in the enabling policy framework.

Q: What’s the policy worth if 25 of 30 states don’t implement it?

A: I don’t want to go into how the states will react.

Q: But the Kerala Pradesh Congress Committee president, who was with you in Youth Congress has come out against it.

A: It is fine if they do not want it in Kerala. Even he is a part of our party. But I have a question: should the states who want this be left deprived? The BJP says they don’t want this in the states they rule. The same BJP was in in the NDA government which prepared a Cabinet note seeking 100 per cent (in retail) without any restriction or condition.

Q: They said that was in single brand.

A: No, it was multi-brand.

Q: It was made by Maran.

A: But Maran, a minister in the government, alone did not make it. In their 2004 manifesto, they had talked about 26 per cent. And there is an April 2004 interview of then finance minister Jaswant Singh, when he spoke about a strong decision and commitment.

Q: He said that he was speaking about single brand.

A: I don’t want to taunt anybody, but it is true that the BJP had a different line of thinking when they were in power.

Q: When Kamal Nath wanted to bring FDI in retail, the Congress president wrote to him to not hurry on the issue.

A: Discussions have been on for a long time. A consensus of all cannot be reached.

Q: But Parliament is the apex body of the country.

A: This is within the purview of the executive. There can be discussion in Parliament.

Q: Then what will happen if Parliament disapproves?

A: There will be no disapproval. Is there any precedent of policy being disapproved in Parliament? In 1985, there was tremendous opposition to Rajiv Gandhi when he talked of computerisation. In 1991, Dr Manmohan Singh was finance minister when the economy was opened up. It was then said that the whole country will become a slave, East India Company will be back again. Now Indian companies are buying companies abroad.

Q: Parliament has not functioned for 10 days.

A: The BJP has been stalling Parliament on some or the other issue. Advaniji went on a 38-day yatra over black money, and now he has forgotten the whole issue.

Q: It could be said that Anand Sharma played such a game that the issues of black money and Lokpal got forgotten.

A: I am happy that we have taken a step that has changed the political discourse in the country. Other people were setting agenda, but now the government has set the agenda by way of policy.

Q: Why do you fear to go to Parliament with this issue? Don’t you have a majority?

A: When there is a Cabinet decision and Parliament is on, it is the minister and government’s responsibility to keep the House informed, which we did. It is the MPs’ right to discuss the same, but the Opposition did not let the discussion happen.

Q: But what is wrong if adjournment has been demanded? Are you ready for a vote?

A: This is within the purview of the Speaker. I will not comment.

Q: But why do you fear an adjournment motion?

A: We are not afraid.

Q: But BJP and other opposition saying that it is ulta pulta alliance, and nobody knows who is with whom.

A: When the issue is placed before Parliament, it will be clear.

Q: The DMK and TMC are not with you?

A: This is what you think.

Q: They have said so.

A: They have some reservations but they will not go with the BJP and Left front, and against us.

Q: So you don’t think they will vote against you.

A: I don’t think any political instability will be created.

Q: Is the Congress with you? Sonia doesn’t say much; she leaves issues to the government.

A: It is our duty to give her information. Soniaji does not interfere in government’s functioning. She has said the interests of the small farmer and small businesses should be kept in mind. I will say that the provision of 30 per cent local sourcing was on her suggestion.

Q: You said that BJP said that there should be 100 per cent FDI in retail. You are the commerce minister; this should be on file. Maran did say it, but Cabinet rejected it.

A: But they put it in their 2004 manifesto.

Q: What about after 2004?

A: Their thinking has changed after they lost power.

Q: It is being said that the US depression means pressure has come on India to open up. It is being said the policy was announced after the Asean Summit at Bali, where Manmohan Singh met Obama.

A: The Cabinet note on the FDI issue had been initiated for completing inter-ministerial consultation in August, well before the Bali summit.

Q: So this charge is wrong.

A: Totally baseless, mischievous.

Q: Did you think you could lose the Uttar Pradesh elections on this issue.

A: There is no co-relation; we will not lose.

Q: Nobody objected to the manufacturing policy formulated on your watch, but allowing FDI in retail may mean people from outside will come and control our markets.

A: When single brand retail was allowed, it was said local supermarkets would be hit hard.

Q: But some Indian brands were affected.

A: That is business. Some businesses grow strong, and some go weak. It will be wrong to link policy with the same.

Q: Will you revise the proportion of locally sourced goods to 45 per cent?

A 30 per cent is the minimum.

Q: So will you revise it?.

A: Let us see how the policy is implemented and the benefits that follow.

Q: Will you roll this decision back under any circumstance?

A: I don’t like the word rollback.

Q: Will you make some changes then?

A: There are safeguards built into the policy.

Q: So it is written on stone.

A: It is not a matter of being written on stone, it has been done in consultation with all.

Q: So there is no scope of any changes in this.

A: Like I said, this has been thought over and framed. This has not been framed with eyes closed.

Tuesday, November 29, 2011

Teekhi Baat with Uma Bharti on IBN7/November 26, 2011


Interview with BJP leader Uma Bharti for Teekhi Baat on IBN 7. Excerpts:

PC: These days you do a lot of ‘meethi baat’.

UB: It’s fine.

PC: You have liked this transformation of nature that you have had to undergo.

UB: No, I am the same; the lens with which you view me has changed.

PC: There were so many yatra’s in UP, now your yatra has been announced by the president. From 1st December you are going to embark on a big yatra.

UB: That is an abhiyan not a yatra.

PC: Is it not yatra, what is the abhiyan about.

UB: Abhiyan is Uttar Pradesh bachao, Bha ja pa la. Under this abhiyan, there will be 50 gatherings in each vidhan sabha constituency. And this abhiyan will last for 15 days in which close to 200 leaders will participate, these will include leaders from the centre and the state.

PC: You will lead.

UB: You can say I will co ordinate.

PC: The president announced your name.

UB: He said coordinator.

PC: Then what did other people do earlier, what was that, what Advaniji, Rajnathji did.

UB: That was a yatra.

PC: What is the difference between abhiyan and yatra.

UB: The difference is that when one man leads it is a yatra, but in an abhiyaan close to 200 are participating. They will go to different places in one day. Like on 1 December, Nitinji would be there, shahiji, I will be there and other 200 leaders from state and centre would go to 400 vidhan sabha constituencies.

PC: Where will you start this from?

UB: Today evening there is a meeting regarding the same.

PC: It is not decided as yet.

UB: It will be decided tonight.

PC: For the yatra your slogan is UP bachao ba ja pa lao.

UB: Uttar Pradesh bachao .

PC: It is the same. But who will save BJP; it is all over the place. First BJP has to be saved, then UP will be saved.

UB: I am concerned with my own work, not other talk and issues.

PC: Your responsibility is not to save BJP.

UB: That is a different subject. But now my responsibility is to get UP rid of maladministration, to contribute in a way which leads to the formation of BJP government in the state. But the issues that you want to take me to Prabhu, I don’t want to go into those issues.

PC: You said BJP saving is not your responsibility.

UB: I never said that, I said that I am not connected with that issue.

PC: What is your work in Uttar Pradesh, your responsibility?

UB: I have been given work, like the co ordination of the abhiyan, also to build connections till the district and the vidhan sabha constituency level. To focus on corruption and criminalisation which are the two important issues that UP is facing. I have been born in Madhya Pradesh, was an elected member of parliament five times and also the chief minister. But from the time of Ramjanmabhoomi andolan, for me Uttar Pradesh has been the same as Madhya Pradesh. I have such good and deep relations with the party workers; hence I have no problem in working in Uttar Pradesh, keeping this in mind, Nitin Gadkari gave me this assignment.

PC: Because of Ram Janmabhoomi movement, Uma Bharati’s name came up to the national level.

UB: When I took part in Ram Janmabhoomi movement, I was a second time parliamentarian.

PC: Hence Uttar Pradesh is not a new place for you, it is your karmabhoomi now

UB: Yes, for me it is the same as Madhya Pradesh.

PC: Earlier, your karma bhoomi was Madhya Pradesh.

UB: My karma bhoomi is the whole world. Not only India, but the whole world, wherever I feel one has to work humanity; I will go even to Africa.

PC: You are the first Chief Minister of BJP, who is also working as a ordinary party worker now.

UB: Let me be anybody, I have never considered myself more than an ordinary party worker. The reason for the same is that there is a glamour associated with politics which has its conveniences and fame, that I have been experiencing from the time I was six years old. Hence I have no attraction towards conveniences and fame. Because I had the two already, when I came into politics, hence my mind is that of a karyakarta and I work with same fervour.

PC: The thing is that such people made you ordinary party worker who themselves have no following.

UB: I think contrary. For the first time it may have so happened in the history of Indian politics, that for a person who has been a leader in one state, he has been accepted as a leader in other state too. People and karyakartas of Uttar Pradesh accepted me as I am from Uttar Pradesh.

PC: Some say that you are an intruder in Uttar Pradesh.

UB: It is something else to go to another state to fight lok sabha elections. It is a different thing to be nominated in the Rajya Sabha. Like the way I worked in Madhya Pradesh, in the same way with a homely feeling I am working in Uttar Pradesh. May be I am alone who has been able to do this.

PC: But people are appointed as in charge of other states too. Like in a way you also garnered fame from Uttar Pradesh.

UB: For me there is no difference between Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh.

PC: So, in a way it is second home for you.

UB: It is two parts of one home.

PC: But let me ask you the same thing again, suddenly you were made karyakarta again.

UB: No, I was not made karyakarta, I was always a karyakarta and my feet were on the ground.

PC: But other people who left the party, or were expelled, they were welcomed back with great respect and fanfare. Like Kalyan Singh was made election incharge, when Uma Bharti came from the medium of sangh, hindutva, does the party and its leaders have any problem in giving Uma Bharti a post.

UB: There is no importance of these things for me. Let me tell you one thing, I went to meet president Prathiba Patil on the issue of Ganga, when I reached the gate and walked towards Rashtrapatii Bhavan, there my bodyguards tried to tell officials there that Uma Bharati has come, the body guards there said that there is no need of introducing Uma Bharati, hence I don’t need any designation and fame.

PC: Your clothes explain who you are.

UB: May be, due to the grace of god, the place that I have in the hearts of the people is important.

PC: This is your large heartedness,

UB: What large heartedness.

PC: All the other people who were brought back into the party, they were given some official position.

UB: I have no importance to such things Prabhu.

PC: Don’t they fear you.

UB: Fear?

PC: Because you have come back, you went to UP, if you win elections, people will give you credit for the same without asking. That is why you are being given no post, hence everybody would seem equal.

UB: I am not someone to fear, I am lovable, and people may love me.

PC: From your nature, not talking about your face.

UB: Not talking about my dangerous face, beautiful people are also dangerous. There is dangerous mind and thinking, there is nothing in my mind to the effect that I want to threaten anyone.

PC: By heart you are a rebel.

UB: This is the way media projects it. Because when I participated in Ram Janmabhoomi movement, people with leftist thought were holding sway over the media. Since they could not find anything against me, they drew this analogy.

PC: But when you start this yatra, which will be your party’s fifth or sixth one.

UB: This is not a yatra I am telling you. Gatherings will be held at various places. There will be no movement in this, we will go and hold gatherings, just that it will happen with my co ordination.

PC: If your name is associated with yatra, then you are equal to Kalraji, Advaniji, Rajnathji, hence the name of your yatra is changed to something else.

UB: But this is the work I like, I have asked for it. I spoke to Nitin Gadkariji. There are two steps leading to an elections, one is canvassing and abhiyan and the second is other administration which is related till the polling booth. Hence I requested him for the former, and even worked in Rajnathji and Kalrajji’s yatra. I was also asked to initiate a yatra, but I said that I would like to participate in these two yatras.

PC: That means you are doing more of organisational work.

UB: I said that I will go for both yatras because I would like to go to both areas. One is with Rajnathji, the other with Kalrajji, I wanted to go to both areas. Both yatras were very good, and Advaniji’s yatra was at the national level, and for three days he was in Uttar Pradesh. The experience which I got from these yatras, after which I requested Nitinji for giving me work, which he gave me.

PC: Now days decisions are taken that some people cannot work in their own states. Let me do a teekhi baat, that why can’t you go and become a karyakarta in Madhya Pradesh.

UB: I go there. There was a time in Narendra Modi’s life when he was said not to go to Gujarat. I was not told so but I myself did it. If the BJP government in Madhya Pradesh faces any difficulty because of me being there, then that should be averted. Because for the past two years, the campaign was that I am capable of disturbing Madhya Pradesh. That is why I decided. But I go there, my brother is ill, to meet him.

PC: But you don’t go for political work.

UB: In guess that in a programme journalists asked this to Nitinji. Recently, I also got an invitation from the Madhya Pradesh government to be the chief guest for a function. But I could not go.

PC: Sanjay Joshi and Uma Bharati are working outside their own state.

UB: Sanjay Joshi is from Maharashtra.

PC: But he stayed in Gujarat and built organisation there.

UB: With Narendra Modiji, one for one – two years he was told not to go to Gujarat. This case is not the same with me.

PC: Now you starting a yatra, I am saying a yatra because people think is it yatra not abhiyan.

UB: It is an abhiyan, nobody thinks It is a yatra.

PC: When Uma Bharati’s name is attached, after Kalraj Mishra, Rajnath Singh, now it is possible somebody else will campaign after you. What is Uma Bharati’s slogan there, people will say she is a paratrooper.

UB: Till now nobody has said such a thing, people said quite the contrary. Even the survey that India today did, people agreed that me going to Uttar Pradesh has benefitted BJP. Hence, it is contrary, the people, party workers and leaders there have lovingly accepted me. My village is also an important reason for this , the village that I hail from has two parts, it is on the border of UP and MP. Hence my village is half in UP and the other half in MP.

PC: Same like Jaiprakash Narayan. if you want to go to Bihar you have to go via UP.

UB: Hence, UP people did not feel that I am not from there.

PC: Since you are saying political acceptability, then there is possibility of you being political leader and chief minister there. I am not saying you want to be.

UB: This is not the issue now. The issue is that we have to form a government there. The present condition there I feel that that the people want to see our government being formed there. Now we have to set out systems rightly. Hence I requested Nitin Gadkariji, to give me work of co ordination for some time.

PC: Will you fight elections there.

UB: I will take no decision regarding me, Nitin Gadkariji will do that.

PC: But the state the organisation is in, on what issues you will win elections. Uma Bharati says that she will not contest elections. There is also no chief ministerial candidate. Plus you are pitted against Rahul Gandhi, Mayawati, Ajit Singh, Mulayam Singh Yadav, Akhilesh Yadav, but BJP has not candidate.

UB: I accept that two parties are strong there. One is SP, the other is BSP, they have got state level leaders too. But people are miffed with BSP these days, this is said by people all over UP. People consider SP, even worse than BSP. Congress has no existence there, even if Rahul Gandhi does extensive campaigns. Now he has said such a thing, which has heart the self respect of the people of UP, that people go to beg, he does not know that people go to work there as labour. There is a difference between doing labour work and begging, this understanding Rahul Gandhi does not have. UP is a place filled with nationalist people, and to say that they are beggars is absolutely wrong.

PC: But Rahul has made Mayawati and your situation difficult there, because of the impact he has on the people and the media, you have nobody in comparison.

UB: I don’t think this way, one the other had the way media focuses in Rahul Gandhi yatra, the same way focus on me. My programmes are better than his.

PC: He is a new face

UB: He is no new face, he is 40 years old and middle aged.

PC: But at 40 he is young compared to all other leaders. But Rahul Gandhi is leaving an impact there. Even you had become chief minister at age of 40-42, weren’t you middle aged then?

UB: No, congress has no influence in UP. They would not get even a polling agent. They have so many problems; they have taken the support of Mayawati and are also troubling her. I will say that the stand taken by Mamta Banerjee was good, he took a stand on inflation and fought with the government. Mayawati has given support to the central government; they are both in a strange association. Now also you will see they way Congress has trapped Mayawati, you will know how Digvijay Singh said, and ‘we have the CBI’. This is Digvijay Singh’s statement. There is difference between CBI investigations and a party post holder saying that “we have CBI”. CBI is with the government and not with the general secretary of any party. Digvijay Singh, one the issue of Batla house, or Karkare, Mayawati, he has tried to prove that the central agencies work on his directions.

PC: I feel that elections are not between Mayawati and Akhilesh Yadav but Uma Bharati and Digvijay Singh.

UB: I can say that destiny is such that, when he was chief minister in Madhya Pradesh, I went there and defeated him. After which he was incharge of Bihar, where I was there to defeat Laloo and Rabri. Now, he has come here.

PC: In UP there will be conflict on communalism and secularism. Digvijay Singh is sec

ularist and you are communal, this message will be spread by the people.

UB: No, I don’t believe that Digvijay Singh is secular, and I am communal. One who is Hindu and hindutvavadi is secular. One who is against hindutva cannot be secular, he will be communal. Now, it is a different issue that you don’t consider muslim leaning as communal, but say hindutva is communal. I find him a muslim leaning person.

PC: He is secular.

UB: Muslim leaning and appeasing does not mean secular. That is communalism.

PC: You say that Mandir vahi banega, your program is mandir, and your party president Nitin Gadkari said that this is not your poll agenda the next day.

UB: Both said the right thing. We said that where Ram Lalla is there we want to see a mandir there. And it is also true that in the UP elections, criminalisation and corruption are the major issues. Hence, both issues what Nitinji and I said are correct.

PC: What will happen if you become chief minister by chance, same that happened during Kalyan Singh’s time.

UB: The land earmarked by the centre for building a temple, that land should be given to Ram Janmabhoomi Nyas.

PC: But you will abide by the Supreme Court judgement.

UB: The judgement which came and was accepted by the Muslims and Hindus with grace, it paved that way that the temple will be built there.

PC: But that is on your agenda.

UB: That is the agenda of the whole country, all Hindus.

PC: But like there is no agreement on who will be chief minister, there is no agreement on who will be prime minister, you said Advaniji can become, somebody else also said he can become. Was Advaniji successful in his yatra, at many places yatra did not go too well? Did he become weak, or is he still the prime ministerial candidate.

UB: In my opinion, of all the yatras I saw, Advaniji’s was the best.

PC: He is a strong candidate for prime minister’s post.

UB: See I will tell you the successes of Advaniji’s yatra. In Anna Hazare’s movement, all political parties and leaders were put on one side, and made to look as villains. And there was a mood that only people running NGOs can be against corruption and nobody else. There was a need to fight corruption on a political agenda, because when that step will come, the party who will fight corruption on political agenda will have the onus of proving themselves clean first. But the issues which Advaniji took up he said that our leaders should declare that they have no bank accounts abroad.

PC: But according to you is Advaniji a prime ministerial candidate.

UB: What has happened to you Prabhuji, what has happened to the media of this country? Why are you raising questions against our party regarding prime minister and chief minister somewhere, I am speaking on the issue of Advaniji’s yatra.

PC: Now are you missing Atalji’s absence.

UB: Now, I will focus on what Advaniji said that those who will speak against corruption, first will have to show that their party is clean. Advaniji dared and got the party to your scrutiny. Media now should watch BJP.

PC: You started to imitate Anna Hazare

UB: Black money and corruption are our election issues of 2009.

PC: But you lost the elections, the people did not accept what you said.

UB: Losing elections does not mean that the issue is lost.

PC: Now you don’t want to talk about the prime minister.

UB: This is a non issue.

PC: This is a non issue for your party

UB: It is a non issue for me.

PC: For you PM and CM is non issue.

UB: Yes, they are non issues.

PC: Ram mandir and corruption are issues for you.

UB: corruption, criminalisation, ram mandir are issues for me, not who will become CM and PM

PC: Let see how your UP yatra goes

UB: Abhiyan

PC: Thank you for coming to our studio.

UB: Thank you Prabhuji !

Monday, November 28, 2011

PM must get his House Maths right/Power&Politics/November 27, 2011, The Sunday Standard

Power & Politics

Prime Minister must get his House Maths right for the people

Anyone who has something to hide or fear runs away from dialogue and debate. Instead of taking detractors head on, they take refuge in whispers, vendetta and verbal vandalism. Such cowards are subjecting India’s parliamentary democracy to the worst kind of assault.

The UPA Government doesn’t want to face reality. The Opposition is insisting on dictating terms rather than the agenda. For the past few sessions, Parliament has transacted little business. All its bright, earthy and absentee members will continue to get their perks, salaries and daily allowances by merely marking attendance. The substantive blame for parliamentary paralysis lies at the UPA’s door. Its leadership lists bills to be discussed in the House, but lacks the will to see them through by building consensus. Instead of creating an environment for reconciliation, the Government is resorting to confrontationist tactics. Its reluctance to accept some of the genuine demands of the combined Opposition stems from insecurity. Going by the arithmetic composition of the house, the UPA is in a hopeless minority. It is hobbling along on crutches given by some of its allies who are but providing only outside support. The Opposition is legitimately exploiting the mathematical discomfort of the Government. Both the BJP and the Left have been confabulating on rules regarding voting in the House once discussions on politically volatile issues like inflation, corruption and Telangana are done. Even during the last two sessions of Parliament, both Houses had to adjourn without transacting any business because the Government didn’t concede the Opposition’s demand to allow either a censure motion against the UPA or to vote on various issues. Since the Opposition is aware of the contradictions and conflicts within the UPA, it has always tried to corner the Government by bringing controversial resolutions on corruption and black money on the floor of the House. Since the Congress has only 206 members in the Lok Sabha, it needs 70-odd more votes from its allies for survival. So far, only NCP and the National Conference—whose combined strength is barely 19 MPs—haven’t served any ultimatum to blackmail the government. But the TMC and the DMK with 40-odd MPs are always threatening to walk out of the Government. Last month, West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee announced unequivocally that she would withdraw support to the UPA if the Government raised petroleum prices again. She also openly opposed the Cabinet decision on allowing FDI in retail. Railway Minister Dinesh Trivedi of the TMC even left the Cabinet meeting after the Prime Minister and finance minister chose to ignore his reservations on the matter; though he did seek the Prime Minister’s permission to leave. M K Alagiri, the only DMK nominee in the Cabinet, was conspicuous by his absence as his party is also opposed to the move.

With the numbers stacked against the Congress, its floor managers are not willing to take any risks. The conduct and posturing of UPA leaders betrays their lack of confidence. Last week, its floor managers used every rule in the book to stall any debate that would expose the Government’s numerical minority. For voting on the floor of the House on subjects like inflation and black money, even UPA allies and sympathisers wouldn’t want to be seen being on the Government’s side. Opposition leaders like L K Advani, Sitaram Yechury and others are determined to prove that the Prime Minister has lost the confidence of not only the allies who are part of the Government, but also of those who are supporting the Government from the outside. On the other hand, Manmohan’s floor managers and promoters are equally aggressive in preventing Parliament from giving any number-driven verdicts against the Government. Political compulsions prohibit all political parties from wanting a mid-term poll and hence they are refraining from making any move that might bring the Government down.

In fact, the ruling establishment is seriously divided over the manner in which parliamentary business is managed. No UPA minister has been able to infiltrate the Opposition. Worse, hardly any of them commands respect or has a reasonable rapport with those who matter in the BJP or in other powerful opposition parties. Sadly, the weakness and irrelevance of the few individuals in the Government has made the Prime Minister’s position shaky and untenable. Already weakened and crippled by various scams, any question mark over the majority the Government enjoys in Parliament subverts the Prime Minister’s authority. If Manmohan wishes to regain his political clout, then both he and the Congress has to dispel the impression that the Government does not enjoy full support in Parliament, even though public perception feels so. The sooner this is done, the better it is for the stability of India’s political system. prabhuchawla@newindianexpress.com

Monday, November 21, 2011

Teekhi Baat with Abishek Singhvi_Prabbu Chawla/November 19,2011 _IBN7




Abhishek Manu Singhvi, Spokesperson

of the Congress Party on Teekhi Baat




Bengal's Great Game Changer is Really Just a Name Changer/Power & Politics/November 20, 2011/The Sunday Standard

Power & Politics

Bengal's Great Game Changer is Really Just a Name Changer


To her admirers, Mamata Banerjee is a mission and a message. Her mission: trounce and liquidate the Red Empire that ruled West Bengal for three decades. Her message: restore responsive and participative governance. But after six months, the 56-year-old first-ever woman chief minister of West Bengal hasn’t been able to find a credible mechanism to deliver her message to people so that she can achieve her mission.

Mamata is a known rabble-rouser. Soon after her resounding victory in May, she was conferred a powerful corporate adjective — the Game Changer. But last week, her actions and utterances betrayed all the expectations her underwriters had promised. Instead of being chief ministerial in her posturing and performance, Mamata is still competing with her old rivals to retain the title of the state’s most effective Leader of the Opposition. Her attack on the Congress leadership, including Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee, and her dealings with Maoists who were her former comrades-in-arms reflect her combative attitude.

Mamata has always been known for throwing tantrums and dictating terms. She hasn’t understood, or refuses to understand, the meaning of coalition dharma. She believes that it is her fundamental right to occupy both the Opposition’s and the ruling party’s space. If the Congress refuses to see reason in her unreasonable demands, she takes to the streets and lashes out in an offensive and humiliating manner. Last week, when Pranab invoked genuine constitutional provisions, stating his inability to fulfill her demand for a huge financial package, her response was, “We may not be a pundit like him. He has been in politics longer. He knows a lot and is a great and respected leader. We may be servants, but we will protect the prestige of West Bengal. I can tolerate everything. But not insult to the people of West Bengal. We are not seeking alms from Centre. It is our right. Bengal should be considered as a special case as we are carrying on with a paralysed economy.” Since the Congress party depends on her for survival in Delhi, it suffers her insults. However, when some courageous Youth Congress workers protested against her government’s repressive attitude, she threatened the Congress with serious consequences. On Friday she said, “It’s for the Congress to decide whether to support Trinamool or extend indirect support to the Communist Party of India-Marxist (CPI-M). It will be sorted out because both cannot go hand in hand. They (Congress) have earlier done the same thing. Trinamool doesn’t want to stay with political parties which have covert relations with CPI-M.” But most surprising was her fallout with the Maoists who provided her the weapon and muscle to keep the Marxists in check during the elections. Not only has she forgotten her promises to resolve contentious issues but has threatened to launch a full-fledged war against them. Now she is accusing them of planning to eliminate her: “I have reports that a joint conspiracy has been hatched to eliminate me.” Mamata has become the second woman chief minister after Mayawati who has received assassination threats.

It is not just the terms of engagement with her ally or with others that has made Mamata’s message West Bengal’s nightmare. Except changing the name of her state, she has hardly done anything that symbolises change in governance—not one portfolio under her has shown any progress in any area. She holds all the politically important portfolios of home, health, public administration, land and land reforms, cultural affairs, education, power, information and administrative reforms.

Listening to others has never been Mamata’s virtue. When she storms into a police station with her power-hungry supporters, the cops don’t know to handle the unprecedented situation in which a ruler herself breaks the law and takes away the accused. Earlier, when she visited one of the badly run government hospitals, she found fault with the doctors and not with what was ailing the hospital. During the past six months she has grabbed every photo-op to be in the headlines for her words instead of her deeds. She has used her clout to get the petroleum price hike, the Teesta river accord with Bangladesh and some provisions of the Land Reforms Bill reversed. But she hasn’t changed the face of her own bureaucracy or empowered her colleagues. Least of all, Mamata hasn’t defined her agenda for change. What is definitely looking better, though, is the exterior of the Writers’ Building with its fresh coat of paint. Inside, the rot is worse than what it was during Marxist rule.
prabhuchawla@newindianexpress.com