Assessment that doesn't rely on ....... Power & Politics / The Sunday Standard/ May 29, 2016

Assessment that doesn't rely on lutyens' and corporate cosy clubs but on performance

Bias is boss. The recent ratings of Modi’s ministers by various agencies show unanimity is subverted by subjectivity. Accessibility, visibility, connectivity and maneuverability of ministers dictate perception. As a result, those with access to huge funds, elevated social status and high visibility in appropriate forums, including the media, ranked high while ministers with less accessibility, media patronage, financial lebensraum to oblige favour-seekers and are targets of corporate ire tanked.

Frankly speaking, this rating too is affected by personal biases. But with a difference. It is based more on my reporting experience of over 35 years, and not by how many times I wined and dined with powerful but discreet ministers, tycoons and diplomats. It is based on speaking to bhakts, karyakartas and foes and friends of the ministers. Making an objective job card of all the 26 Cabinet ministers and 12 MoS holding independent charge is a tough call. I have restricted my assessment to the top ten, by using the cardinal principle of ‘Sirf Kaam Machaye Shor’ (only performance makes a noise).

1. Nitin Gadkari, 61, Minister for Road Transport and Highways, and Shipping
Spends more time on the road than at work. The minister who thinks most out of the box. A risk-taker who changes the rule if it obstructs his agenda. Has activated jammed highway projects, cleared new ones and upgraded existing ones— a spend of over Rs. 2 lakh crore till 2019. On an average, about 20 km of road being added to the network daily. Changed road taxation policy, toll collection laws, made waterways transport a viable business. Established better coordination with state governments.  (9/10)

2. Dharmendra Pradhan, 47, MoS (Independent Charge) for Petroleum and Natural Gas
Low profile. Spends more time researching his portfolio than making aluring promises. Implemented many of the PM’s social schemes by exploiting rock-bottom crude oil prices. Ensured gas conections for the maximum number of rural folk. Was able to implement the Give It Up campaign, thus saving over `12,000 crore in welfare. Over two million gave up subsidised connections. (8.5/10)

 3. Sushma Swaraj, 64, Minister for External Affairs
 Despite frail health, the most frequent flier in Modi’s cabinet, and not just to glamorous destinations.  With 5.1 million Twitter followers, one of the few mantris who remain cyber-connected with not just diplomats but also with ordinary Indians. Resolves issues instantly. Created a world record by safely getting back the most number of captives from countries in IS-occupied territories. Though it is the PM who calls the shots on global affairs, Swaraj is his most effective ambassador. (8/10)

4. Rajnath Singh, 65, Minister for Home Affairs
 This low-profile ministry lands in the news only when terror attacks or Naxal violence happens. Gets no credit since secretive tactics make victories classified. Using a comprehensive information network, has aborted many terror conspiracies hatched across the border. Infiltrators prevented from striking in India. Brought down Naxal attacks. Police reform process, stuck in budget constraints, restarted. Made Centre-state relations smooth. Most accessible minister to BJP workers. (7.5/10)

5. Smriti Irani, 40, Minister for Human Resource Development
Despite modest educational background, the youngest-ever HRD minister is the government’s most effective communicator, compared to most predecessors with degrees and pedigree. Purged the educational system and other government-sponsored think-tanks of Leftist elements. Stuck to agenda, unconcerned by attacks from elitist elements within the party and outside. Introduced sweeping reforms and finalised the New Education Policy, which will send Macaulayputras on the run. (7.10)

6. Prakash Javadekar, 65, Minister of State (IC) for Environment, Forest
   and Climate Change
 Transformed the political and bureaucratic ecosystem. Created a record by clearing over 2,000 languishing projects. By interacting with stakeholders, including the states, transformed an anti-growth ministry through a Jack the Beanstalk approach. Mojo: Grow with Green. Darling of both big biz and environmentalists. (6.5/10)


7. Piyush Goyal, 52, Minister of State (Independent Charge) for Power, Coal, 
    New and Renewable Energy
NDA’s Great Innovator. USP is a robust monitoring system. Revived most PSU power utilities. Mission: Green Energy. Distributed a record number of LED bulbs. Garnered maximum bids for coal mines, most of which are yet to start production. Power reforms sluggish with state companies chalking up huge losses. (6/10)
 

8. Suresh Prabhu, 62, Minister for Railways
 Has used every trick in the book to bring railways on track and convert it into a corporate-style public sector entity. Mantra: use technology over human resources to make the infamously accident-prone Indian Railways safe. His Swachh Rail emphasis on selected, high-traffic stations paying off. The ministry has given big orders for new rolling stock and other equipment to private entrepreneurs. No safe clean rail journey for rural travellers. Instead of finding new sources of revenue, resorted to raising passengers and freight fares. (5/10)

9. Arun Jaitley, 63, Minister for Finance, and Information & Broadcasting
Modi’s most well-connected, visible and ominously influential minister. The din he makes speaks louder than actual work done. Most successful in diverting attention from ministry’s failure. Status quo-ist. No fresh ideas to tackle the economy. Raised revenues by taxing the poor and middle class, while keeping the interests of rich and corporates intact. Achieved revenue generation boost from increased indirect taxation rather than inventive thinking. Deficit under control primarily due to plunge in crude oil prices and reduction of budget allocation for various social sectors.  (4/10)

                           10. Radha Mohan Singh, 66, Minister for Agriculture
 NDA’s worst performer. Despite India’s growth of over 7 per cent, agriculture growing at less than 1 per cent. No proper administrative and fiscal system for farmers. Over 35 per cent of the country is drought-stricken, but this farmer is wandering in the wilderness. No new reform introduced. No future road map. This list may be disagreeable to those for whom publicity, and not perception, decides the parameters of performance. But then, that’s what objectivity about subjects is all about. (3/10)

prabhuchawla@newindianexpress.com; Follow me on Twitter @PrabhuChawla

Further Strife with Judiciary .... Power & Politics/ The Sunday Standard/ October 18, 2015

Further Strife with Judiciary Will Put Government’s Democratic Intentions in    the Dock

King Solomon, the ancient king of Israel, was widely known for his sagacity and justice. His throne had a round top and two lions standing below each arm. Centuries later, Indian justice’s golden throne, the Supreme Court, delivered a judgment that protected the cornerstone of our democracy. A five-member Bench headed by Justice J S Khehar struck down the National Judicial Appointment Commission (NJAC) Act, which sought the government power in choosing judges.

The greatness of the Indian judiciary is an allegory of Solomon’s throne, nationally emblematic of India’s legislature and executive. There was, however, leonine disappointment over L’affaire NJAC. It was the Modi government’s first major encounter with the judiciary. But PM Narendra Modi should take the setback as signal for course correction by initiating a dialogue for reconciliation and accommodation rather than insolent confrontation.

The judicial burial of NJAC has, however, caused much animosity and anger in the ruling establishment. Justice Khehar made a significant remark in his judgment: “It is difficult to hold that the wisdom of appointment of judges can be shared with the political-executive. In India, the organic development of civil society has not as yet sufficiently evolved. The expectation from the judiciary, to safeguard the rights of the citizens of this country, can only be ensured by keeping it absolutely insulated and independent from the other organs of governance.”  He was echoing the voices and intent of the collective wisdom that gave India its Constitution. It’s no surprise that the idea of the NJAC was born out of political consternation after various courts brought many of the high and mighty to justice, sending Union ministers, chief ministers and top bureaucrats to prison.

The judgment showed the Indian judiciary continues to be courageous and outspoken. The reaction of the ruling party and its top law officers, however, was dismally churlish. Law minister D V Sadananda Gowda, an advocate himself, said, “I am surprised by the verdict of the Supreme Court on NJAC which was completely supported by the Rajya Sabha and Lok Sabha. It had 100 per cent support of the people.” Attorney General Mukul Rohatgi, who extensively argued for the government, echoed Gowda’s sentiment and termed it a flawed judgement “ignoring the will of the Parliament, half of state legislatures and the will of the people for transparency in judicial appointments”. Ironically, it is the BJP and its allies who have historically gained from judicial activism. Leaders like Atal Bihari Vajpayee and L K Advani have been champions of judicial independence. The BJP must remember that it is an independent judiciary that has corrected distortions in the functioning of the executive and restored the rule of law. In the 1970s, Indira Gandhi had rammed through various legislations, which she considered the Will of the Bill. Many curbs on fundamental rights during the Emergency were passed by the same Parliament, which adopted the NJAC. The will of the people is reflected in the Constitution of India as “We, the People.” Various judicial orders since Independence have clarified that the Constitution’s basic structure cannot be mauled to suit the political philosophy of a ruling party. Using convoluted arguments against the role of courts, politicians are suggestively selling the ominous idea that any elected government can demolish the judicature by invoking the Will of the People doctrine.

It is not for the first time that court verdicts have created a confrontation between the judiciary and executive and sometimes even with the legislature. Irked by judges’ vigorous scrutiny of government actions and legislations, politicians have tended to tinker with the judiciary’s powers. The current battle stems from the same desire to disturb the delicate balance of power between the judiciary, executive and the legislature. Undoubtedly, the collegium system to choose judges needs to be insulated against extraneous factors. But it has worked much better than the previous one for the past 22 years. Of the 2,000-odd appointments in high courts and the Supreme Court since 1993, hardly a dozen turned out to be bad apples. But if the NJAC is enforced, politicians will choose judges. By making the law minister and two other non-judicial individuals members of the selection panel, the executive can slip in people with dubious backgrounds. Can India afford to institutionalise a mechanism by which chargesheeted or tainted leaders are allowed to select top judges? What sort of Solomons would the country get if Yeddyurappa, Lalu Prasad, Azam Khan or A Raja becomes the law minister, either in their states or at the Centre? Is it not a possibility that by changing the system, those facing the rule of law would instal puppet judges to superimpose the rule of their masters on the system?

The judiciary’s role is well defined by the Constitution. Its responsibilities are to ensure the rule of law and to interpret the Constitution. People who are tempted to remove any checks on their lust for unlimited power cannot be allowed to choose judges. The Indian judiciary has delivered directions on issues like health, environment, crime against women and better education, which are not in our written Constitution. It takes over when the executive fails. Even now, the latter has the power to stall any appointment if it finds the candidate’s credentials unsatisfactory. The NDA government, too, prevented an eminent lawyer from becoming a Supreme Court judge for unexplained reasons. Any further confrontation with the judiciary will not only weaken India’s healthy democracy but also raise questions about the government’s democratic intentions. Like during Indira’s regime, there are many in the NDA who enjoy intimidating the judiciary to settle personal scores. They will push the PM to take the verdict as a challenge to his authority. But a strong and secure leader like Modi will succeed only by making hallowed institutions like the judiciary even stronger. History is an estuary of evidence, which shows that those who have fiddled with judicial independence have done so at their own peril.

prabhuchawla@newindianexpress.com; Follow me on Twitter @PrabhuChawla

Faced with Agresive Opposition .... Power & Politics / The Sunday Standard/ May 24, 2015

Faced with Aggressive Opposition, Faster Execution of Ideas to be Modi's Real Test in Year Two

The golden principle of a vibrant democracy is that the Opposition should have its say and the government must have a way. During the first year of the Modi government, this rule has been violated with a vengeance. Narendra Modi sped into 7 Race Course, powered by a massive mandate from the people of India. His mission, model and mantra were fully endorsed by the voters who gave him 282 Lok Sabha seats. So, it isn’t unfair or unreasonable on his part to demand a full say in the governance of the nation. But has he been able to? The corrosive confrontations between the PM and the Opposition make it apparent that Modi has been denied his right to govern according to the manifesto on which he rode to power, obliterating his opponents. His admirers claim that in every state, a frustrated opposition led by the Congress obstructs the NDA government. Modi has ensured relatively corruption-free governance. He has taken India’s global acceptability on a vertical trajectory. The nation is much more stable—politically and economically—than during the vulnerable and venal decades that had excoriated the national morale.

The entire Opposition has become politically schizophrenic—on one hand stalling important legislation in both Houses of Parliament and on the other, moaning about the denial of their right to be heard. The truth, however, lies in between. It is quite evident that 365 days of Modi Raj not only redefined the style of governance but also the role of the Opposition in a single party rule after almost 25 years.

It is true that the NDA government in its attempt to deliver more than it had promised rushed through various decisions without taking the collective opposition into confidence. Some ministers also acted like provocatively posturing Chanticleers in Parliament, which the Opposition perceived as demonstrating the arrogance of power. For example, the latter wanted legislation on land and general sales tax to be reviewed by a parliamentary panel, but the government was determined to ram through both the Bills in a hurry. On the whole, it managed to do much business despite a determined Opposition ready to thwart it at every stage.

The government decided to celebrate its first anniversary with unprecedented savoir faire by fielding its glossiest faces and using every medium available to raise the octaves of its achievement anthem. Never before has since Independence any administration spent so much of energy and time in propagating its performance like Team Modi did in less than a week. For the Prime Minister, it was a time for showcasing his inimitable identity and unique stamp on democracy and governance. But for the Opposition, it has been an uphill task to stop his implacable juggernaut from advancing on its agenda. This is the first time since the indomitable and imperious Indira Gandhi governed the country that the entire Opposition has realised that the incumbent Prime Minister poses a real political danger not just to individuals but also to their ideologies. If in the 1970s and 80s, anti-Indiraism united parties from the extreme Left to extreme Right, Moditva has forced all non-BJP parties to forget or sink their differences and fight Modiology. It is precisely this fear, which led to all the factions of the Janata Parivar to dine and shine together to plan a merger. It is for the first time that even politically genetic enemies like the Left and Mamata Banerjee were forced to forge a tactical alliance in Parliament to prevent the NDA government from completing its legislative business. It’s Modi, with his speed and substance, who the Opposition is really afraid of. Even the Congress compromised on its various stands on major policy issues just to keep the Opposition glued together. For example, the top leadership of the party favoured supporting the GST Bill. The younger generation, however, prevailed upon the old warhorses to take an aggressive stance against Modi and in turn protect opposition unity. Modi’s one year in office has also laid the ground for a major realignment of politics, which may eventually lead to the weakening of multi-party electoral conflicts and forming a broadly twin-ideology-led political formation. Naturally the right of Centre forces will be led by Modi and the opposite factions would rally around Rahul Gandhi, Mulayam Singh Yadav, Nitish Kumar, Mamata Banerjee and Naveen Patnaik. In fact, nationwide opposition to the amended Land Bill cutting across political lines is an indicator that any controversial policy initiative by the government can lead to an ideological confrontation and force the NDA to do course corrections. Even the BJP’s master strategists and their moles couldn’t burke the Opposition’s new united avatar.

If Modi has risen in stature nationally and internationally through his mobility and agility, even the Opposition, which was desperately demoralised after the 2014 General Elections, made its presence felt and regained its lost voice. Samajwadi senapati Mulayam Singh, with just five Lok Sabha MPs, became a rallying figure for all anti-Modi forces. In addition, the Congress, which couldn’t win enough seats to even claim the office of the Leader of the Opposition, also sussed out many chinks in Modi’s armour. According to many Congress leaders, it was Modi’s rising hold and consolidation over national politics, which compelled Rahul to go for a metamorphic makeover in demeanour and delivery.

The second anniversary of the Modi government, however, would be much more interesting. By then, Modi would have faced the crucial Bihar Assembly elections and the economy would either have recovered from its current not-so-good feel situation or sunk further into ‘bure din’. Many of his major initiatives like pension schemes, Jan Dhan Yojna, Swachh Bharat and infrastructure development would come under greater scrutiny by analysts. Additionally, Year Two will be tougher for Modi to showcase any fresh innovations since the implementation of the existing ones hasn’t yet shifted from first gear. If a united Opposition is able to defeat the BJP in Bihar, it would also raise questions about the invincibility of the party and further encourage the fence-sitters to jump to where the grass seems greener. For the next 365 days, the Opposition is going to adopt the strategy to stick the ‘pro-rich government’ label on the ruling party. Modi’s detractors will continue to charge him with promoting crony capitalism in the country. The BJP cadres expect the PM to redefine the meaning of economic growth. He and his team have spoken a lot about ensuring ease in doing business in India. From now on, perhaps, Modi will talk about how to create more demand and put more money in the hands of the poor and middle class so that the manufacturing sector can bounce back from its moribund melancholy. Rather than talking about lowering lending interest rates for the corporates, Modi’s second year will be tested on how much more will he be able to do for the poor as well as his core constituents.

prabhuchawla@newindianexpress.com;  Follow me on Twitter @PrabhuChawla