Assessment that doesn't rely on lutyens' and corporate cosy clubs but on performance
Bias is boss. The recent ratings of Modi’s ministers by various
agencies show unanimity is subverted by subjectivity. Accessibility,
visibility, connectivity and maneuverability of ministers dictate
perception. As a result, those with access to huge funds, elevated
social status and high visibility in appropriate forums, including the
media, ranked high while ministers with less accessibility, media
patronage, financial lebensraum to oblige favour-seekers and are targets
of corporate ire tanked.
Frankly speaking, this rating too is
affected by personal biases. But with a difference. It is based more on
my reporting experience of over 35 years, and not by how many times I
wined and dined with powerful but discreet ministers, tycoons and
diplomats. It is based on speaking to bhakts, karyakartas and foes and
friends of the ministers. Making an objective job card of all the 26
Cabinet ministers and 12 MoS holding independent charge is a tough call.
I have restricted my assessment to the top ten, by using the cardinal
principle of ‘Sirf Kaam Machaye Shor’ (only performance makes a noise).
1. Nitin Gadkari, 61, Minister for Road Transport and Highways, and Shipping Spends more time on the road than at work. The minister who thinks most
out of the box. A risk-taker who changes the rule if it obstructs his
agenda. Has activated jammed highway projects, cleared new ones and
upgraded existing ones— a spend of over Rs. 2 lakh crore till 2019. On
an average, about 20 km of road being added to the network daily.
Changed road taxation policy, toll collection laws, made waterways
transport a viable business. Established better coordination with state
governments. (9/10) 2. Dharmendra Pradhan, 47, MoS (Independent Charge) for Petroleum and Natural Gas Low profile. Spends more time researching his portfolio than making
aluring promises. Implemented many of the PM’s social schemes by
exploiting rock-bottom crude oil prices. Ensured gas conections for the
maximum number of rural folk. Was able to implement the Give It Up
campaign, thus saving over `12,000 crore in welfare. Over two million
gave up subsidised connections. (8.5/10) 3. Sushma Swaraj, 64, Minister for External Affairs Despite frail health, the most frequent flier in Modi’s cabinet, and not
just to glamorous destinations. With 5.1 million Twitter followers,
one of the few mantris who remain cyber-connected with not just
diplomats but also with ordinary Indians. Resolves issues instantly.
Created a world record by safely getting back the most number of
captives from countries in IS-occupied territories. Though it is the PM
who calls the shots on global affairs, Swaraj is his most effective
ambassador. (8/10) 4. Rajnath Singh, 65, Minister for Home Affairs This low-profile ministry lands in the news only when terror attacks or
Naxal violence happens. Gets no credit since secretive tactics make
victories classified. Using a comprehensive information network, has
aborted many terror conspiracies hatched across the border. Infiltrators
prevented from striking in India. Brought down Naxal attacks. Police
reform process, stuck in budget constraints, restarted. Made
Centre-state relations smooth. Most accessible minister to BJP workers. (7.5/10) 5. Smriti Irani, 40, Minister for Human Resource Development Despite modest educational background, the youngest-ever HRD minister is
the government’s most effective communicator, compared to most
predecessors with degrees and pedigree. Purged the educational system
and other government-sponsored think-tanks of Leftist elements. Stuck to
agenda, unconcerned by attacks from elitist elements within the party
and outside. Introduced sweeping reforms and finalised the New Education
Policy, which will send Macaulayputras on the run. (7.10)
6. Prakash Javadekar, 65, Minister of State (IC) for Environment, Forest and Climate Change Transformed the political and bureaucratic ecosystem. Created a record
by clearing over 2,000 languishing projects. By interacting with
stakeholders, including the states, transformed an anti-growth ministry
through a Jack the Beanstalk approach. Mojo: Grow with Green. Darling of
both big biz and environmentalists. (6.5/10)
7. Piyush Goyal, 52, Minister of State (Independent Charge) for Power, Coal, New and Renewable Energy
NDA’s Great Innovator. USP is a robust monitoring system. Revived most
PSU power utilities. Mission: Green Energy. Distributed a record number
of LED bulbs. Garnered maximum bids for coal mines, most of which are
yet to start production. Power reforms sluggish with state companies
chalking up huge losses. (6/10)
8. Suresh Prabhu, 62, Minister for Railways Has used every trick in the book to bring railways on track and convert
it into a corporate-style public sector entity. Mantra: use technology
over human resources to make the infamously accident-prone Indian
Railways safe. His Swachh Rail emphasis on selected, high-traffic
stations paying off. The ministry has given big orders for new rolling
stock and other equipment to private entrepreneurs. No safe clean rail
journey for rural travellers. Instead of finding new sources of revenue,
resorted to raising passengers and freight fares. (5/10) 9. Arun Jaitley, 63, Minister for Finance, and Information & Broadcasting Modi’s most well-connected, visible and ominously influential minister.
The din he makes speaks louder than actual work done. Most successful in
diverting attention from ministry’s failure. Status quo-ist. No fresh
ideas to tackle the economy. Raised revenues by taxing the poor and
middle class, while keeping the interests of rich and corporates intact.
Achieved revenue generation boost from increased indirect taxation
rather than inventive thinking. Deficit under control primarily due to
plunge in crude oil prices and reduction of budget allocation for
various social sectors. (4/10)
10. Radha Mohan Singh, 66, Minister for Agriculture NDA’s worst performer. Despite India’s growth of over 7 per cent,
agriculture growing at less than 1 per cent. No proper administrative
and fiscal system for farmers. Over 35 per cent of the country is
drought-stricken, but this farmer is wandering in the wilderness. No new
reform introduced. No future road map. This list may be
disagreeable to those for whom publicity, and not perception, decides
the parameters of performance. But then, that’s what objectivity about
subjects is all about. (3/10)
prabhuchawla@newindianexpress.com; Follow me on Twitter @PrabhuChawla
If the Gandhi brand has to regain sheen, two power centres must make way for one
Dear Soniaji and Rahulji,
I can appreciate the
pain and disappointment you are experiencing after the Congress party’s
recent debacle in the state polls. In market-driven politics, the
shelf-life of a leader as a brand is tenuously linked with the ability
to attract eyeballs. Under your leadership, the Congress has lost two
more states—Kerala and Assam. Its performance in Tamil Nadu is
lamentable. Apart from Karnataka, it rules just six picayune states as
against the BJP’s nine important ones. The Congress has barely managed
to retain its old numbers in the West Bengal Assembly, doomed by an
alliance with its ideological opponent, the CPI(M). The Left’s loss in
West Bengal, however, was handsomely compensated by its gigantic gains
in Kerala. Both were at the cost of the Congress.
Most of your
loyal leaders and workers, for whom the Congress is a meal ticket, doubt
its ability to provide a secure political future. Some among them are
alarmed that Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s mission to achieve a
Congress-mukt Bharat may become a reality sooner than later. The party
has maintained its mirage of unity, without a whisper of disloyalty from
important leaders or ordinary workers, who are yet to air their doubts
about your ability to win elections. I’m sure millions of unsolicited
advisories have landed on your desks. I’m equally sure that neither of
you have given them a dekko, because only you can comprehend the reason
your party was decimated. While you, Rahul, made a valiant attempt to
turn voters around by touring poll-bound states extensively, your mother
Sonia was conspicuous by her absence in many crucial areas. Soniaji,
you must realise that the invisibility of the Gandhis during a campaign
renders the rank and file sightless. Millions of Congress workers were
missing you both, since there was no one else to energise voters who are
disenchanted with the current cult and culture of the party.
I’ve
been covering elections for over three decades. For the first time, I
discovered that Congress candidates were not invoking Brand Gandhi to
tilt the electoral battle in their favour. In the past, they chanted
slogans eulogising Jawaharlal Nehru, Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi.
Today it is you they would hail. In the last polls, however, the
usually unflinching blind faith in the Gandhis was missing. Candidates
looked for leaders and slogans according to their discretion. I could
spot the dilemma churning their minds. The cadre and leaders were split
through the middle. They were unsure about who among either of you
should be chosen as the party’s current and future face to lead it and
rule the country.
Soniaji, you have been at the helm of the
Congress for 18 years. It’s a record. Rahul, you have been in active
politics for over a decade and have held important party positions for
over five years. But total confusion prevails in the workers’ mind about
the role you play in the party. There is no division of power or
responsibilities. The Congress is visibly divided between the Sonia
Congress and Rahul Congress. For the past few years, party leaders all
over India have not been able to discern which one of you calls the
shots. Even chief ministerial candidates, senior leaders, chief
ministers and important office-bearers of the party are frustrated over
the absence of a clear policy-making structure in the party. Most
committed workers believe that more than the party’s infirm image, it is
the existence of two power centres that is causing the Congress, which
had ruled India for five decades, to lose its way.
Whenever a new
satrap took over the Congress, they gave it a novel look and vision.
Indiraji created a new Congress by purging the Syndicate. Sanjay
introduced aggression with a Right-of-Centre ideological shift. Rajiv
brought in young blood and modern minds. P V Narasimha Rao tried to
dismantle what he thought was the Rajiv Congress, but lost the plot.
Sitaram Kesri was the only aberration in Congress history. In you,
Soniaji, the Congress found a leader rooted in the Gandhi Parivar
culture. You, however, refrained from any significant surgery though the
body was ailing. You carried the old guard along and ensured that the
party came to power in 2004 and 2009 by forging alliances even with
those who had made personal attacks on you. You re-invented the Congress
as India’s ruling party. But during the party’s decade in power, its
credibility decayed as numerous scams erupted at regular intervals. The
Opposition held you responsible. Some leaders charged you both of
encouraging corruption or being personally involved in some of the
scandals. The jury is still out since no evidence has surfaced against
any either of you yet.
Predictably, perception is precious in
political power play. It is not for the first time that your party has
suffered electoral reverses. From 1977 onwards, its fortunes have passed
through hills and valleys. The Congress had always bounced back because
a leader with national appeal held the rudder. The party is still a
national brand. Even during the 2016 elections, its vote share rose
compared to its performance in the 2014 general elections. But its USP,
the Gandhis, got a battering. The password to victory used to be
‘Gandhi’. Now it is seen as a firewall.
When Modi talks about a
Congress-free India, he actually means India sans Gandhis in politics.
He and his party have projected you as the symbols of all that was wrong
in the UPA government. Today, both of you have to decide not just your
own political futures, but also that of your party. India needs a strong
and constructive Opposition led by credible leaders. One of you has to
opt for VRS, so that there is only one Gandhi in charge. In new age
politics, individuals personify ideology. The idea of the Congress is
immortal. But if the Sangh Parivar acquires the domains of the
pre-Independence Congress, the fault lies with the Gandhi Parivar. It is
between you two to decide which Gandhi has the chutzpah to revive the
sinking and shrinking Congress.
prabhuchawla@newindianexpress.com; Follow me on Twitter @PrabhuChawla
Executive's assault on judiciary will only kill the essential spirit of the constitution
It is the destiny of men to pass into the great beyond one day. But
the institutions created by mankind are meant to survive to promote and
protect the system. Though their arbitrary misuse of power causes
critical confrontations. The Indian Constitution—the world’s
longest—strongly emphasises the division of power between the executive,
judiciary and legislature. The wise men and women who wrote it
anticipated a conflict between politicians and judges. They, however,
hardly foresaw the depth of animosity that could rise between the two
pillars of democracy.
The oppugnancy between the executive and
judiciary is not new. But today, it has escalated into a turf war rather
than a civilised disagreement in the spirit of the Constitution.
Rattled by the rising number of judicial verdicts against various
actions of the executive and legislature, politicians across the
spectrum have unsheathed their swords against the judiciary.
Legislatures, including Parliament, have been turned into platforms to
launch diatribes against the judiciary.
During the last session of
Parliament, the judiciary was targeted sans serious provocation. None
other than Finance Minister Arun Jaitley led the attack. The House was
discussing financial issues, but he chose the occasion to hit out at the
judiciary, accusing it of destroying “step by step, brick by brick, the
edifice of India’s legislature”.
Jaitley was echoing the views of
not only PM Narendra Modi, but also of former PMs like Manmohan Singh,
as well as a number of powerful leaders across parties. Last year, Modi
lamented the rising tendency of judicial activism. Addressing a
conference of Chief Justices and CMs, he had said, “It is never too
difficult to deliver justice within the boundaries of the law and
Constitution. But it is very difficult to find the truth between
perception and reality. It must be pondered over whether five-star
activists are driving the judiciary today… if havoc is created to drive
the judiciary. It has become difficult to deliver justice in an
atmosphere of perception”. He also criticised the long vacations enjoyed
by high court and Supreme Court judges, especially the month-long
summer break in the apex court. His predecessor had expressed his
annoyance with the judiciary by warning, “The judicial family must
consider the ills that face the judicial system with concern and find
quick solutions for it. Any further delay in finding such solutions will
only jeopardise the integrity and efficacy of judicial institutions”.
India
is not alone where the political leadership is concerned about what it
perceives as judicial encroachment. In the 1800s, America’s Founding
Father and president, who was the principal author of the Declaration of
Independence, Thomas Jefferson had noted, “Judicial activism makes a
thing of wax in the hands of judiciary which it can give the shape as it
wishes.”Apart from politicos, the judiciary is also under attack from
agenda-driven civil society. There are numerous examples of activists
attacking judicial pronouncements, which went against their ideological
convictions.
If political leaders have been acerbic in their
criticism, judges have not kept schtum either. In April, Chief Justice T
S Thakur, while sharing a platform with the PM, made it clear that his
fraternity cannot be blamed for the executive’s mistakes. Speaking in a
voice trembling with emotion, he clarified, “It is not only in the name
of a litigant or people languishing in jails but also in the name of
development of the country, that I beseech you to rise to the occasion
and realise that it is not enough to criticise. You cannot shift the
entire burden on the judiciary.” He responded on judicial vacations by
saying, “Do you think we go to Manali or some other hill stations to
enjoy ourselves? If he (the PM) thinks we have long vacations, he is
entitled to hold on to his views. But only a judge, his wife and
children can tell you how much judges enjoy in the vacations.”
Behind
the verbal duel between the judiciary and executive lies the reality of
various arms of the latter abandoning their basic duty of providing
responsive and clean governance. During the past two decades, the courts
have rapped the executive’s knuckles on various issues by:
•
Quashing the National Judicial Accountability Act, which would have
given decisive role to executive in the selection of judges
• Striking down caste and religious reservations by various states
• Barring politicians from contesting polls after conviction and vacating seats
• Taking serious view of scams and ordering court-monitored probe
• Preventing state governments from playing with environment
• Striking down imposition of Article 356 in Uttarakhand
• Giving freedom to investigative agencies to probe politicians and civil servants without seeking approval of any authority
• Cleansing the corruption-ridden BCCI, which is largely dominated by political leaders.
It
is not the judiciary, which is becoming more involved in the
administration of the state, but the rising number of citizens who are
approaching various courts for the redressal of their grievances after
they failed to get justice from government departments. The state is the
largest litigant in India. According to legal luminaries, the judiciary
has stepped in whenever the executive has failed. But politicians
assert that unelected persons cannot be given the power to reverse
decisions taken by an elected government in the public interest.
A
prominent jurist fired a robust rebuttal, maintaining that the
Constitution was written on behalf of the people while it is only
one-third of the voters, which elect a government. Fortunately, the
judiciary enjoys far more credibility than the executive. Any attempt to
damage its reputation through insulations and legislations will only
kill the essential spirit of the Constitution. At a time when the nation
is witnessing the growth of confrontationist politics, any attempt to
weaken the judiciary will strike at the roots of Indian democracy and
its Constitution.
prabhuchawla@newindianexpress.com; Follow me on Twitter @PrabhuChawla
As Messenger Becomes the Message, Media Must Scrutinise Itself to Retain Reliability
The media is under threat from within. It is no longer seen as a
credible medium. Its messages are massacred mercilessly. Never before
has its credibility and dependability been under so much scrutiny.
Profanities like crooks, paid media, sponsored news brokers, and
‘bhakts’ are heaped on journalists. As competitive and confrontationist
politics, coupled with valuation and TRP-driven media organisations,
dictates political engagement, the entire tribe has been tarred
unilaterally with the black brush of scepticism. Numerous news outfits
and prominent journalists are being exposed for their coloured
ideological views instead of being lauded for earth-shattering news
breaks. They are known for what they speak and not by what they write.
Agenda-driven opinion and biased news peddled by some of us as
‘exclusive’ or explosive stories drive the print and electronic media.
This has provided political parties and their promoters tactical tools
to destroy the fourth pillar of democracy. Are newspersons the most
preferred targets because they are asking too many inconvenient
questions? Or because some of us do not mind our own business and meddle
in someone else’s?
For the past few months, it is not political
leaders but the media, which has been targeted by the social media and
rampant rumour-mongers to tar and test the image of the journalists as a
genre. Last week, over half a million references were made on myriad
Internet platforms to unnamed scribes, who are suspected to be involved
in defence deals in the past few years. According to media reports, one
of the journalists was called for interrogation by investigative
agencies. Another is under their scanner for receiving prodigious payoff
from defence dealers. The agencies are yet to come to any conclusion.
By not naming and shaming the journalists, the ruling establishment and
power-seekers are shifting the blame from the real culprits to the
fringe players. Journalists involved in shady criminal deals should be
treated at par with other suspects. By revealing their names in public
interest, the profession’s credibility as a whole will be rescued from
ignominious insinuations. Jurists and legal luminaries are convinced
that by going public with the names of those summoned for questioning on
their role in the AgustaWestland and Rafale deals would only strengthen
the case of the agencies and save various institutions from becoming
victims of a sinister scheme.
Defence procurements are a major
source of tainted money worldwide. Many global leaders have been named
in scandals involving defence deals. It’s been proved that loot stashed
in tax havens was from purchasing hardly required defence equipment.
Over the past four decades, a multitude of dirty deals on Bofors guns,
Scorpene submarines and fighter aircraft have been exposed. Since the
Congress ruled India for over five decades, most such deals were signed
on its watch; hence its leaders and followers have always been perceived
as the suspects or beneficiaries. As India spends over $12 billion
annually on importing defence hardware and software, this provides
enough scope for middlemen, senior officials and their political masters
to tailor specifications according to the highest bidder’s wishes. As
the market for weapons, including fabulous flying machines, grows,
multinationals hustling them use sophisticated skills to influence the
decision-making process in the government. Some in the media and defence
analysts and security experts have become the most sought-after
influence peddlers. These corporations fund a multitude of well-funded
think-tanks in the US, Europe and the UK to enrol prominent journalists,
opinion writers and retired defence officials as faculty members or
visitors. Many of these think-tanks have opened shop in India to
camouflage their real mission. According to reliable sources, the
government has already started the scrutiny of Indian frequent flyers,
who spread their carbon footprint to participate in seminars dealing
with defence and strategic issues. The inquiry is also aimed at
unearthing the financial supporters of the think-tanks to discover if
the defence industry is supporting any of the big fish. Some Indian
civil servants, journalists and opinion-makers have been part of these
institutions for short or long durations.
Undoubtedly, there are
some bad apples in the media basket. But that doesn’t give the enemies
of freedom of expression the right to kill the medium through the
massive and ominous use of state machinery, corporate muscle power and a
malicious whisper campaign through the social media. With the rise of
trolls as the most effective agents to counter propaganda-driven
dissemination of views and news, the mainstream media is under pressure
to mend the way it reports news. Some of us have gone cyber-active not
to give news but unpalatable views against the established political and
corporate order. Once journalism was an institution, which encouraged
hard news rather than advertising the faces behind it. Young journalists
were told to report facts and carry both sides of a story. Now many
credible civil society leaders feel that numerous journalists draw
conclusions first and use convenient facts to bolster their
predetermined views. Many journalists express their opinions on the
social media in a way that exposes their ideological or personal
predilections. Some names are associated with a leader or a party. As
journalists and media owners claim to be serving the public cause, they
are entitled to all the facilities and courtesies available to other
institutions performing similar responsibilities. But if the media has
to retain its reliability, it has to subject itself to robust scrutiny.
All mediapersons should follow the same rules and regulations, which
elected representatives do. The declaration of assets, contacts,
corporate and political affiliations and sources of income by leading
journos and editors would definitely help in restoring the people’s
faith in the profession. So far, the media had the monopoly of seeking
accountability in others. Times have changed. Now readers and
viewers—the real patrons of the media—are asking it to be accountable or
perish.
prabhuchawla@newindianexpress.com; Follow me on Twitter @PrabhuChawla
Up in Arms to Dig Ugly Past of Enemies will Endow no Party with Brighter Future
Poison kills poison, as Duryodhan discovered to his chagrin. When
used in ignorance, it kills both the dispenser and the dispensee.
Parties assume that poisonous attacks are the only method to flummox
foes. Today, past acts of omission and commission have become lethal
weapons to neutralise opponents. For the last two years, no party has
refrained from digging up the past of adversaries and flung the
unsavoury parts into the political abattoir. Promises made during the
elections, in 24 months, are not even a remembrance of things past. None
of them have taken out peace marches, candlelight processions or
walkathons to the Human Rights Commission office to protest the fact
that 300-odd drought-struck districts are being denied even basic
facilities like drinking water. Instead, defence acquisitions meant to
protect the country have become public pantomimes of poisonous
projectiles.
Undoubtedly corruption, bribery and nepotism are
major threats to the survival of democracy and good governance. But they
need to be tackled by investigative agencies. Let the law take its
course. But, like the rapacious Indian rivers in flood, Indian laws,
too, have deviated from their original course, thanks to the massive
encroachment and erosion on the polity by politically pushed probes.
None of the well-connected bribe givers or takers in the Bofors scandal
have been brought to book, even after 30 years. Shouldn’t Indian leaders
be worried about the saboteurs within who derail the legal process?
Isn’t the fact that those named in the AgustaWestland scam continue to
perambulate through Lutyens’ Delhi’s charmed circles a cause of worry?
This shows that the caucus of corporate cartels, middlemen, political
leaders and civil servants who paint files and proposals in the colours
of the cocktails and cuisine served at coterie dinners is alive and
well.
It is a deserving topic for a doctoral thesis as to why not a
soul has been convicted for over a dozen major corruption scandals in
the past 40 years—the Bofors affair, the Scorpene deal, the Airbus
payoff, the Barak Missile scam, stock market manipulations etc. If
scandal-ridden Italy, where probity in public life is under a shadow,
can conclude the `3,546-crore helicopter scam trial and jail important
officials, including the chairman of tech-giant Finmeccanica, how come
all key players in the scam, whose names have popped up in India, are
roaming around freely in the corridors of power and are VIP guests at
political and corporate weddings? An FIR was registered in 2013 and only
a Delhi-based lawyer was arrested. The grilling of star suspects was a
farce. They were invited for a ceremonial trip to the offices of the
investigative agencies. Letter rogatories were dispatched to a couple of
countries, routinely seeking details of the transactions. It is only
after the Italian trial was finished and its contents made their way
into the Indian media and Parliament that the agencies decided to summon
the suspects or witnesses.
It is evident that all such scandals
remain unresolved, only to be later used by parties to their advantage
during and after elections. Undoubtedly, the chopper scam is one of the
dirtiest defence deals in recent times. The UPA government signed it
under pressure from lobbyists. It was cancelled after the media exposed
the role of powerful middlemen. The Italian court has concluded beyond
doubt that dirty dealings dominated the sign off. But in India, the
issue has turned into a fight between the ruling BJP and the Congress.
The government is copiously quoting from the verdict to expose the role
of Congress leaders in helping middlemen make money. The party is
hitting back for the delay in nabbing the real perpetrators. Ironically,
the papers were signed during the UPA regime, though the process to
acquire the helicopters began after NDA came to power. In the absence of
any visible and credible action against the Indian suspects, the
Congress has decided to brazen it out. It has adopted a similar
approach, as the Bofors strategy. Since NDA I failed to prosecute any of
the suspects during its six-year rule, the Congress has given itself a
clean chit. It has challenged the BJP to prove any of the allegations
against it or its leaders. Mysteriously, some of the accused were
acquitted because investigative agencies failed to produce any original
document in court. Curiously, successive Central governments led by
either party never approached the Supreme Court to appeal against the
lower court orders. Even in L’affaire AgustaWestland, the Congress is
trying to turn the tables on its foe. It asked the NDA to explain the
reason for the defence ministry’s U-turn over banning Finmeccanica in
August 2014, and then diluting the decision a few weeks later.
The
moral of the current political slugfest is that parties are still in an
election mode. Both the text and subtext of the debate are written
using negative adjectives. By spotlighting the past sins of the
Congress, the ruling dispensation is giving a fresh lease of life to the
demoralised and decimated party. Voters had peremptorily shrunk its
tally in the Lok Sabha to just 44—the lowest since Independence. The BJP
must keep in mind that double jeopardy prevents anyone from being
punished twice for the same crime. Indira Gandhi was ejected by voters
for imposing the Emergency. But she was back in 30 months because the
ruling Janata Party was obsessed with sending her to prison instead of
providing a better government. But the Modi government is not Morarji
Desai’s. It has provided a corruption-free system. It has ensured
economic stability and decisive leadership. Despite a few flip-flops on
Pakistan, India is considered a prominent player in international
diplomacy. It has become a superbly attractive and glamorous destination
for foreign investors. Instead of projecting its achievements to put
opponents on the back foot, NDA strategists have chosen the path of
aggressive confrontation. They are convinced that revealing the ugly
past of its enemies will endow it with a brighter future. But it
shouldn’t forget that the mandate the people gave it, is not to harp on
murky antecedents but to cleanse politics and provide a clean and
productive present and future.
The moral of the current
political slugfest is that parties are still in election mode. By
spotlighting past sins of the Congress, ruling BJP is undermining its
own achievements and giving a fresh lease of life to the decimated party
prabhuchawla@newindianexpress.com Follow me on Twitter @PrabhuChawla
Spends more time on the road than at work. The minister who thinks most
out of the box. A risk-taker who changes the rule if it obstructs his
agenda. Has activated jammed highway projects, cleared new ones and
upgraded existing ones— a spend of over Rs. 2 lakh crore till 2019. On
an average, about 20 km of road being added to the network daily.
Changed road taxation policy, toll collection laws, made waterways
transport a viable business. Established better coordination with state
governments. (9/10) 
2. Dharmendra Pradhan, 47, MoS (Independent Charge) for Petroleum and Natural Gas
Despite frail health, the most frequent flier in Modi’s cabinet, and not
just to glamorous destinations. With 5.1 million Twitter followers,
one of the few mantris who remain cyber-connected with not just
diplomats but also with ordinary Indians. Resolves issues instantly.
Created a world record by safely getting back the most number of
captives from countries in IS-occupied territories. Though it is the PM
who calls the shots on global affairs, Swaraj is his most effective
ambassador. (8/10)
This low-profile ministry lands in the news only when terror attacks or
Naxal violence happens. Gets no credit since secretive tactics make
victories classified. Using a comprehensive information network, has
aborted many terror conspiracies hatched across the border. Infiltrators
prevented from striking in India. Brought down Naxal attacks. Police
reform process, stuck in budget constraints, restarted. Made
Centre-state relations smooth. Most accessible minister to BJP workers. (7.5/10)
5. Smriti Irani, 40, Minister for Human Resource Development
6. Prakash Javadekar, 65, Minister of State (IC) for Environment, Forest
7. Piyush Goyal, 52, Minister of State (Independent Charge) for Power, Coal, 
Has used every trick in the book to bring railways on track and convert
it into a corporate-style public sector entity. Mantra: use technology
over human resources to make the infamously accident-prone Indian
Railways safe. His Swachh Rail emphasis on selected, high-traffic
stations paying off. The ministry has given big orders for new rolling
stock and other equipment to private entrepreneurs. No safe clean rail
journey for rural travellers. Instead of finding new sources of revenue,
resorted to raising passengers and freight fares. (5/10)
9. Arun Jaitley, 63, Minister for Finance, and Information & Broadcasting
NDA’s worst performer. Despite India’s growth of over 7 per cent,
agriculture growing at less than 1 per cent. No proper administrative
and fiscal system for farmers. Over 35 per cent of the country is
drought-stricken, but this farmer is wandering in the wilderness. No new
reform introduced. No future road map. This list may be
disagreeable to those for whom publicity, and not perception, decides
the parameters of performance. But then, that’s what objectivity about
subjects is all about. (3/10)
